WAPAKONETA MISSION

Mission Purpose

The Society of Friend's mission at Wapakoneta is a remarkable example of a mission that fought against the removal of the Native Americans. However, this was not their initial purpose for establishing their mission. They believed they were helping the Shawnee stay in Ohio and adapt to Mainstream American lifestyles and economics. The main focus of the Quaker mission was to provide aid and instruction to the Shawnee. They provided clothing, food, tools, machinery, buildings, schooling, and more coinciding with the Shawnee's needs and requests. The Quakers paid less attention to religious conversion in comparison to other mission denominations. More attention was given to teaching the Shawnee how to farm, build fences and European-Style houses, and how to survive by homesteading rather than hunting.

Henry Harvey, mission member and school teacher, saw the mission's work as important but also acknowledged how it could be problematic. He argued the Shawnee's acceptance of the mission was astonishing stating, "The fact that they did agree to come into the measure at the time, when they were so stripped of their lands and were smarting on account of recent and multiplied wrongs, perpetrated against them by the white man, is the better calculated to awaken every good feeling of our nature in sympathy for them." Henry Harvey revered the Shawnee and thought them to be a great people. He wrote a book detailing his time among the Shawnee at Wapakoneta and briefly in Kansas. His friendship and commitment to the Shawnee, along with the support of the Society of Friends, greatly reduced the Shawnee's suffering before and during their forced removal.[i]

The Shawnee

Henry Harvey recognized the Shawnee's ancestral connections and rights to the land in America. He wrote, "They had the undisputed ownership of this vast continent of America for ages... Wherever one of those remarkable people set his foot, there was his home-there, could he boast was his own home. He was on his own soil. No tyrant to disinherit him; no one could order him off his soil; no written code of laws could encircle him, and here he was content." He was sympathetic to Native losses and would continue to face during the mission's duration at Wapakoneta.[ii]

The Wapakoneta Shawnee were granted their reservation at Wapakoneta, Ohio in the early 1800s. Their removal, however, arguably began before this reservation was even established. The Treaty of Greenville 1795, and Treaty of Fort Industry 1805 were the first major Ohio statewide land cession treaties that marked the start of removal. The Treaty of Greenville forbid Native American settlement in the lower two-thirds of Ohio. Subsequently, the Treaty of Fort Industry removed Native groups from the rest of Northeast Ohio. The Wapakoneta Shawnee were formally given their land under the Treaty of the Rapids of the Miami in 1817. This treaty ceded four million acres of Native American lands in Northwest Ohio to the state of Ohio, but also designated reservation lands to several Native groups including the Shawnee's land at Wapakoneta. A year later, in 1818, the Treaty of St. Mary's overruled the Treaty of 1817. It overturned Native titles to their land and instead designated their lands as reservation lands.[iii]

Prior to missionary contacts, the Shawnee lived along the Auglaize River in tents where they resided all summer. Women planted and harvested, men occasionally hunted and fished locally. Their main crop was corn, which their supplies of depleted by winter. During the winter they went on hunts with their entire families. They packed all they had and made camp in the woods with all of their horses and dogs until planting season. Once missionaries arrived, the Shawnee no longer traveled in the winter and instead focused on farming and agriculture.[iv]

Early Mission History

One of the first Quaker farms established by the Friends of Baltimore was located near Fort Wayne, Indiana on the Wabash River in the early 1800s. This mission had multiple connections to the mission established in Wapakoneta. The Fort Wayne mission was known as Dennis Station, after the first superintendent Phillip Dennis. The mission's main purpose was to teach Miami farming techniques, crop planting, and how to raise cattle and hogs. They encouraged the men to farm and women to learn "spinning, weaving, knitting and homemaking." Multiple superintendents took over after Dennis, including William Kirk who sustained the mission's goals to teach farming and housework. The War Department dismissed Kirk in 1807 citing "unfavorable Indian reaction to his mission." Indian Agent John Johnston was convinced that the failure was not Kirk's fault and that Indian Agent William Wells was to blame for misappropriating funds and wanting the mission to fail. John Johnston replaced Wells as Indian Agent in Fort Wayne until the station closed. Kirk turned his attention to Wapakoneta after he was let go in 1807. The Fort Wayne mission closed after Tecumseh and the Indian Confederacy movement destroyed it during the War of 1812. No Friends were harmed thanks to an advanced warning to evacuate given by Natives who were friendly to their cause.[v]

Kirk and several hired hands worked diligently to improve the settlement at Wapakoneta. They cleared upwards of 500 acres of land for farming and raising hogs and cattle. Kirk utilized government funding to start the construction of a sawmill and gristmill at Wapakoneta and hired a blacksmith. Kirk and other missionaries taught the locals plow farming and introduced them to new crops including cabbages, potatoes, and turnips. They also instructed the Shawnee on building cabins and fences to privatize their properties and fence in their fields. Kirk claimed to the War Department that the Shawnee were abandoning communal farms in favor of private farms, but there is little-to-no evidence of this. Historian Sami Lakomaki argues that Shawnee men had traditionally cleared fields and made fences and that Shawnee women worked on communal farms and small household gardens. Therefore, the Shawnee merely adapted Kirk's instructions to their own culture and did not significantly alter their ways of living. Even after Kirk's departure, Shawnee households in the 1820s had between two and twenty members, which included households with more than one adult male and women. This suggests that it was common for multiple families to live together, which is contrary to Kirk's claim that the Shawnee were individualizing property to the extent he claimed.[vi]

The mission at Wapakoneta officially opened in 1811, though members such as William Kirk had already been working there as early as 1805. Chief Cathecassa, also known as Chief Blue Jacket, was warned by Kirk that "the game would be very scarce in a short time." Although Cathecassa was against assimilation, he welcomed technology believing it was their only way to "become an independent people." The Shawnee at Wapakoneta were the largest group of Shawnee in Ohio. By 1809, their population neared five-hundred. The second-largest were the Lewistown and Hog creek groups near Lewistown, Ohio whom the mission was not involved with.[vii]

The mission at Wapakoneta was interrupted by the War of 1812 and forced to shut down. They were asked to return by Chief Black Hoof in 1815. In 1815, they resumed the construction of the sawmill and gristmill. They also built a house for the superintendent and his family. The superintendent was in charge of the mill operation and all other decisions involving the mission and instruction. Henry Harvey wrote, "there was much difficulty in obtaining superintendents in the wilderness, who were willing to forsake the comforts of life, and civil and religious society, and spend their time in that cold and inhospitable region, and spend such a life as they had then to endure, among this (then) rude and savage people."[iv] 

The most prominent long-term residents at the mission were the Harvey family. Isaac Harvey was appointed superintendent upon the missions re-opening along with his family. His son Henry Harvey and his family arrived years later in 1830. Members of the community believed that Isaac Harvey had broken the bonds of witchcraft on the minds of the Native Americans after he saved a Shawnee woman Polly Butler from being killed after she was accused of using witchcraft.[ix]

Indian Agent John Johnston was also personally invested in the mission at Wapakoneta. He wrote to the government asking that the Quakers received preference within his agency to receive funding from the Civilization Program. The Friends were not entirely happy with Johnston controlling the funds both from the Baltimore yearly meeting and the government funds. They claimed he "appropriated [the annuities] as he saw fit, contrary to the desire of the chiefs." Nevertheless, Johnston was seen as a close friend and staunch supporter of the Shawnee and often acted on their behalf. After the massacre at fall creek 1824 where "nine peaceful Seneca's [were] murdered for sport by five whites in Madison county," Johnston took action and contacted the governor and the Secretary of War and demanded justice. Four of the five murderers were hanged. Author Max Carter stated, "Johnston persuaded Indians, against their wills, to witness the execution so they would know that whites could not kill Indians with impunity." Johnston remained Indian agent at Wapakoneta until 1830. [x]

Mission Farm

One of the key goals of the mission was to teach the Shawnee how to cultivate their lands for what Henry Harvey called the "betterment of their condition." The mission helped the Shawnee build saw and grist mill, grow corn, beans and pumpkins. The grist mill allowed them to grind corn into corn meal, which they could store and bake bread with. The saw mill was used to cut wood to make houses and furniture. Each mill service was free of cost to the Shawnee and mission members.[xi]

The Harvey's employed men at the society's expense to construct cabins and fences. The society also supplied farming equipment including plows. In 1818 thirty-six plows were donated at expense of society. The mission was located thirty miles from the nearest American settlement. All supplies had to be hauled there on extremely bad roads, therefore the ability to grind their own corn and cut their own wood was highly cost-effective and efficient. At first, the mission superintendent was in charge of the mills, however, after time one of the Chiefs became interested in learning how to manage the mill and the mills were transferred to his care. Shawnee chiefs eagerly participate in various Wapakoneta operations. They also used treaty annuity money to purchase cattle and hogs for the entire Shawnee community at Wapakoneta. In 1818, Shawnee chiefs paid $1420 of annuity to buy cows and calves, they previously had 125 head of horned cattle and two hundred hogs. Other Shawnee men and women helped in community projects including clearing land for farming, constructing the mills and other buildings, and participated in trade and transportation of goods between Wapakoneta and American settlements.[xii]

Similar to other missions, the mission at Wapakoneta also encouraged a shift of gender roles in the community to resemble American lifestyles. They envisioned men farming and women homemaking. The Quakers believed that the acquisition of cows, oxen, and plow horses, allowed women to be relieved of their farming by hoe. Men were expected to take over farm work and "women had more time to attend to the care of themselves and their families." Traditionally, Shawnee women gardened and farmed, while men hunted. Historian Stephen Warren argues that there is evidence that the changes in gender roles emasculated Shawnee men who now had to perform what they viewed as a womens work.[xiii]

Mission School

"The friends are about to establish a school. This truly benevolent denomination of Christians do not yet attempt to instruct these people in the principles of Christianity, believing that they are not yet sufficiently acquainted with the arts of civilized life. This tribe is bitterly opposed to Christianity, alleging that God gave them a dispensation suited to their situation and that he did the same for the whites." [xiv] - John Johnston

The mission's primary focus was on agricultural education, not on religious instruction. According to Henry Harvey, the Shawnee, "were opposed for several years, to the idea of having their children educated in the knowledge of letters: yet they at length agreed to that also, and a school was set up for that purpose, and their children evinced an aptness for learning beyond what had been anticipated." It is important to note that Henry Harvey thought the Shawnee to be especially wise and intelligent stating, "on many occasions I have been looked up to for counsel, by men vastly my superiors in years, in experience, in public affairs, in intellect and in the power of speech, as well as in fine feelings; in fact, in everything except in a knowledge of letters and the use of them." [xv]

Harvey noted in his recollection book that the school was conducted on the manual labor system. This means that each student worked on the farm or in the mission house to earn their keep. Although the Society of Friends furnished the mission with all of its necessities, the free labor helped them keep costs manageable by reducing the cost of hiring additional help.[xvi]

In autumn of 1825 Isaac Harvey moved with his family to the Friends school establishment five miles south of Wapakoneta. The school had existed prior to this but it closed according to Henry Harvey "partly in consequence of the unsettled condition of the Indians." This likely refers to the aftermath of the War of 1812, the ditrust between American settlers and Native Americans, and the land treaties that established new reservations in Northwest Ohio. Isaac Harvey taught the school prior to Henry Harvey's arrival. Henry Harvey wrote, "Often he [Isaac] had, by kindness, obtained their love and confidence, as well as to take a firm course with them in regard to the use of whisky; and to this day they speak of him with many warm feelings of love and gratitude." In 1830 Henry Harvey took charge of the school at Wapakoneta and moved there with his family. He wrote of his fondness of his students stating, "I soon became very intimately acquainted with many of them; found them an uncommonly pleasant and lively people- always in pleasant humor, kind to each other, and great lovers and practicers of sport."[xvii]

Harvey's account of the school in his book is brief and not detailed as to how many students attended or what subjects they were taught. He wrote, "They kept up as large a school as we could accommodate, while among them, and took much interest in rearing their children and advancing them in useful knowledge." Students likely learned how to speak, read, and write English. There is no mention of a boarding house, therefore students likely lived with their families in Wapakoneta. [xviii]

Removal and Mission Assistance

"they often remarked, when they were urged to improve their land, that 'if they did improve their land the whites would want it, and persuade government to drive them off,' etc. But their friends would try to allay these apprehensions by assuring them that they need have no fears on that account, as they could not believe, for a moment, that the United States would be so intolerably hard, after the solemn pledges so often made and repeated, that if they would improve their lands and be at peace, that they never should be asked for their land; but alas! What a mistake! [xix] - Henry Harvey

The Shawnee once numbered over 4,000 in Ohio and the surrounding region. Their population declined to 600 in Wapakoneta at the time of the mission due to some members choosing to relocate to a reservation in Kansas and others being displaced by wars. According to historian Lakomaki Sami, "Within a decade after the war of 1812 "Ohio's non-Indian population had reached 800,000 and Indiana's 150,000... In 1825 there were only 2,350 Indians in Ohio and 11,579 more in Indiana and Illinois." As American settlement increased, Native lands decreased. American settlers coveted Native lands for their natural resources and rich farmland. Missionaries believed that if they could teach the Shawnee white settler lifestyles that they could remain in Ohio as neighbors. The Wapakonetan Chiefs envisioned the Shawnee as an independent nation within the United States. They wanted to be self-sufficient and self-governing but connected politically and economically to the United States. However, this is not what the government envisioned.[xx]

In response to the Indian Removal Act of 1830, the United States government appointed James B. Gardiner as the Special Commissioner to the Indians of Ohio for Removal and Emigration. Gardiner had no prior experience in Indian affairs. He negotiated the Shawnee removal treaty at Wapakoneta. Henry Harvey urged the Shawnee not to sell. The chiefs believed their treaty rights protected their lands. They also felt that their loyalty during the war of 1812 and their willingness to adapt to American lifestyle and economy would convince the government to let them stay at their homes in Ohio.[xxi]

The Shawnee were highly invested in their homes at Wapakoneta. They had built cabins, stores, blacksmith shops, and other buildings on their land. Gardiner promised they would be compensated for all of their improvements, all of their debts to traders paid in full, and that their land would be purchased at a fair price plenty of game in Kansas and they could be provided 100,000 acres adjacent to fifty square mile reservation already in Kansas, 30,000 more acres than they owned at Wapakoneta. All promises made were verbal agreements. Gardiner did not allow the chiefs to read the written treaty. Gardiner during negotiations threatened that if they stayed in Ohio they would be forced to comply to Ohio laws and that their treaty rights would be nullified. They would be taxed by the State of Ohio but have no rights as citizens or the right to own property. This would leave them vulnerable to land grabbing, looting, and racial violence, which the courts and law enforcement would not prosecute.[xxii]

Gardiner deceived the Shawnee and tricked them into signing a treaty that did not contain the promises he made to them. All parties present at the signing of the treaty were said to be intoxicated including Gardiner himself. The Shawnee leaders initially believed that the government was paying for their relocation and gifting them supplies and improvements in Kansas as an incentive to relocate. However, the proceeds from the sale of their lands funded their removal, not the government. The land they were granted in Kansas was to be within the preexisting fifty square mile reservation, not additional to. The new mills also would be paid for by the sale of their lands as article IV of the treaty states, "Out of the first sale to be made of the lands herein ceded by the said Shawnees, the United States will cause a good ad substantial saw mill, and a grist mill." Additionally, the Shawnee were given a flat rate of $13,000 for all their improvements to be distributed by the chiefs amongst the Shawnee as they saw fit. Indian Agent John Johnston argued that the Shawnee's improvements were worth upwards of $50,000. Therefore, the Shawnee received no benefits from the 'sale' of their lands and essentially paid for their own removal.[xxiii]

Henry Harvey was present and witnessed the negotiation of the removal treaty. He was dedicated to fighting on their behalf against unfair policies and mistreatment. He even traveled with Shawnee chiefs to Washington D.C. to dispute their removal treaty. He was able to testify that the promises verbally made to the Shawnee leaders were not what was written in the removal treaty negotiated and penned by James B. Gardiner. President Andrew Jackson, refused their petition stating, "should fare no better than the Cherokee did." Although their request was denied they were able to receive an additional $30,000 in annuities with the help of Ohio Representative Joseph Vance through Congress's Ways and Means Committee.[xxiv]

As they prepared for their removal, Gardiner insisted that they sell everything they could not take with them including their cattle and hogs. The proceeds for the sale of their personal property and livestock were not controlled by the government. They were eager to sell their livestock to purchase other provisions needed for their journey since they received no cash from the sale of their lands. They sold all of their livestock in the spring since they were told their relocation would commence at the beginning of summer. According to Harvey, they sold two hundred head of cattle and twelve hundred hogs and with their profits, purchased clothing, wagons, guns, and other provisions for their journey.[xxv]

Selling their stock so early was a grave mistake. When spring arrived, the government was not ready yet to conduct the removal, which did not begin until fall. Because the Shawnee were not paid directly for the sale of their lands and were only paid $3000 in annuity money that year, they had little cash on hand to purchase food over the several months they were forced to wait. Harvey's account of that summer tells of numerous Shawnee members visiting his home begging for food for their children and elderly. He wrote the secretary of war stating "I almost wish I never had seen this place. We came here at the request of the Friends, to help this people, but what are we witness to every day? People starving for food, starving almost to death, and I repeat, that starve they will with hunger, if not soon relieved." With help from John Johnston and Ohio House Representative Joseph Vance, government assistance was delivered to relieve the Shawnee. They were provided with twenty beeves (plural of beef), and a large amount of flour and bacon. The government was never eager to provide extra assistance before or during their removal because they believed that no Native groups should receive special treatment because other groups would expect the same treatment and refuse to relocate, which the government could not afford.[xxvi]

The Harvey family did everything they could to assist the Shawnee even offering some of their own food to hungry families. The mission undoubtedly greatly lessened the suffering of the Shawnee by petitioning on their behalf to the government for assistance and donating food and supplies. The Shawnees departure saddened Henry Harvey. He said it was sorrowful to see them leave their homes and their graves to people who, "while living, cared little for them, and would care less for their dead." [xxvii]

Aftermath

The Shawnee's losses as a result of removal were devastating. They departed Ohio in late fall and encountered bad weather on multiple occasions including freezing temperatures and snow. Most were forced to walk, only the elderly and sick were provided wagon transportation. A Shawnee man, Joseph Barnett wrote a letter to Henry Harvey that was published in The Friend, a Quaker newspaper, describing the removal. Barnett said they arrived greatly fatigued. He provided Harvey with the names of family and friends that did not survive the long trip, nine in total; four adults and five children. He said the land was fertile at the new reservation and the water was clean, but there was a lack of timber to build fences and there was no game. He also resented the government for falling short on its promises to pay all removal expenses.[xxvii]

Upon arrival at the reservation, the Shawnee village was reported to have sixteen houses near a stream that would serve well for a mill. The government built the grist mill, saw mill, and blacksmith buildings, as they promised in the treaty, but at the Shawnees own expense. They were provided with 100,000 acres within the existing fifty-mile square Shawnee Reservation. A Shawnee man sent a letter to Harvey saying they had not received a cent of the two thousand dollars owed to them annually for fifteen years as required by the Act of Congress of 1832, which granted them their additional $30,000 compensation. Harvey helped pursue the money they were owed. Congress gathered eight thousand dollars, the amount currently due to the Wapakoneta Shawnee at the time of their arrival to their reservation. The amount was paid but Congress still owed them $22,000, however, the rest of the money was taken and given to the traders who claimed illegitimate debts against the Shawnees. It was not until 1853 that Congress granted $60,000 in additional annuity as compensation for their lands at Wapakoneta and Hog Creek. [xxix]

The Friend's Mission in Kansas

According to Henry Harvey, four missions were established for the benefit of the Shawnee in Kansas; one by the Methodist Church, one by the Northern Methodist Church, one by the Baptist Church, and the last under the care of the Society of Friends. He claims each mission was conducted on the manual labor system similar to the system at Wapakoneta.[xxx]

The Society of Friends wanted to continue the same type of work as they did at Wapakoneta. Henry Harvey visited the summer of 1833 to discuss opening another school. He noted that they were nearly all housed in cabins, they fenced inland, they planted corn and beans, and purchased livestock. Harvey wrote, "We had collected them in council, and informed them that we had sold our farm and other property in Ohio, where we had taught their children, and wished to apply the proceeds to a like purpose at their present homes if they desired it and that we wanted none of their money, but would do it all at our own expense." Harvey noted that the Shawnee, having arrived the winter before, had devoted much of their time to building homes, and had little time to build up a food supply for winter. Henry Harvey again appealed to Congressman Vance for Congress to provide relief of $5000. This endeavor failed, however, the Society of Friends stepped up and donated large amounts of flour and bacon to the Shawnee in need.[xxxi]

Harvey, along with the assistance of Shawnee leadership, agreed on a location for the school and dwelling house. A mission family and teacher were sent by the Society of Friends in 1836 and lasted three years, until the teacher resigned during the winter of 1839-40. Two other schools were established, a small one by the Baptists and another in the care of the Methodist church. All three schools were conducted free of charge to the students. Henry Harvey came with his family in the spring of 1840 to re-establish the school. The Friends of Baltimore and the Friends of Ohio and Indiana supplied hundreds of dollars worth of clothing, books, and other materials for the students. The Harvey family only stayed in Kansas two years before returning to Ohio. Harvey taught about forty children in Kansas, several of which were his students in Wapakoneta. Harvey recollected sad departing stating the Shawnee school children, "had lived in our family two years; had lived very peaceably with our children, had interchanged languages with them, and had become very much attached to one another; and the parting scene was very affecting indeed. We took leave of them in the school-house- all wept, from the smallest to the largest." The Shawnee leaders were sad to see the Harveys leave as well since many of them became close friends with the Harvey family. The school was continued years after by teachers who succeeded Harvey. The Society of Friends also continued helping the Shawnee in times of crisis, including floods and famines, proving provisions for relief.[xxxii]

References

[i] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 143.

[ii] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 141; Randall L. Buchman, A Sorrowful Journey, Defiance, OH: Defiance College Press, 2007, 1.

[iii]  Raymond P. Gillespie, Indians along the Maumee River: Ottawa, Chippewa, Miami, Delaware, Shawnee, Wyandot, Wea, Mingo. Toledo, Ohio, 1994, 107, Exhibit AA; "Treaty of the Maumee Rapids (1817)," Ohio History Central, Accessed November 27, 2019.

[iv] Henry Howe, "Historical Collections of Ohio Vol. 1, 1848," New York Public Library, 1848. https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/10063

[v] Errol T. Elliot, Quakers on the American Frontier, The Friends United Press, Richmond, Indiana, 1969, https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/3849, 244-245; Max L. Carter, "John Johnston and the Friends: A Midwestern Indian Agent's Relationship with Quakers in the early 1800s," Quaker History 78, no. 1 (1989): 37-47, Accessed February 12, 2021. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41947131, 40-45.

[vi] Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network, 2014, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870. London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 138,159.

[vii] Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network, 2014, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870. London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 133, 138.

[viii] Errol T. Elliot, Quakers on the American Frontier, The Friends United Press, Richmond, Indiana, 1969, https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/3849, 244-245; Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive. Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 139.

[ix] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 139.

[x] Max L. Carter, "John Johnston and the Friends: A Midwestern Indian Agent's Relationship with Quakers in the early 1800s," Quaker History 78, no. 1 (1989): 37-47, Accessed February 12, 2021, https://www.jstor.org/stable/41947131, 45-46; Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 185.

[xi] Errol T. Elliot, Quakers on the American Frontier, The Friends United Press, Richmond, Indiana, 1969, https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/3849, 244-245; "Auglaize County Historical Society Newsletter; For April-May-June," Editor George Neargarder, 2006, https://www.auglaizecountyhistory.org/newsletters/2006_issue2.pdf

[xii] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 139; Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network. 2014. Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870, London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 157; John Johnston, "Recollections of Sixty Years," Edited by Charlotte Reeve Cooper, Published by John Henry Patterson,1915, https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/847, 59-60.

[xiii] Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network, 2014, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870, London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 138; Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 140. Stephen Warren, “The Shawnee and their Neighbors 1795-1870. University of Illinois Press, 2005, 50.

[xiv] John Johnston in "Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society: Volume 1," American Antiquarian Society, 1820, 274.

[xv] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 144.

[xvi] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 144.

[xvii] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 182, 1855, 185.

[xviii] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 185.

[xix] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 145.

[xx] Henry Howe, "Historical Collections of Ohio; Containing a Collection of the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc. Relating to its General and Local History with Descriptions of its Counties, Principal Towns and Villages," Derby, Bradley & Co., Cincinnati, Ohio, 1848; Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network, 2014, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870, London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 153-154.

[xxi] Mary Stockwell, "The Other Trail of Tears," Westholme Publishing, 2014, 202; Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 145.

[xxii] Henry Harvey,  History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 201; Sami Lakomäki, and Ohio Library and Information Network, 2014, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870, London; New Haven; Yale University Press, 164.

[xxiii] "John Johnston letter to Lewis Cass, August 24, 1831," Accessed December 10, 2019, https://ohiomemory.org/digital/collection/p16007coll27/id/2237/rec/631

[xxiv] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 208-214.

[xxv] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 216.

[xxvi] "James Gardiner to Lewis Cass June 2, 1832," Correspondence on the Subject of the Emigration of Indians, Volume 1, 686.

[xxvii] John Johnston, 1775-1861, Recollections of Sixty Years, Dayton, Ohio: J. H. Patterson, 1915, 11-12; George Bluejacket, "Story of the Shawanoes Account," 1829-1831, Transcribed and edited by John Allen Raymer, 1886, Ohio History Connection Archives; Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 216, 230.

[xxviii] Ibid, 24-29; "The Young Shawnee's Farewell," Atkinson's Saturday Evening Post (1831-1839), Oct 24, 1835, 1; "Letter from Shawnee Indian," The Friend, Vol 6 No. 24. March 7, 1833, Eastern Shawnee Tribe of Oklahoma Digital Collection.

[xxix] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 222-223, 238, 267.

[xxx] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 278.

[xxxi] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 234-235.

[xxxii] Henry Harvey, History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854, Inclusive, Cincinnati: E. Morgan & Sons, 1855, 216-217, 234-236, 239, 241, 250-251, 254.